Zionism expects Jews to support Israel,
often at the expense of the national interests
of the countries in which they live.
Foreword by Joseph Agassi, Professor of Philosophy, Tel Aviv University
(henrymakow.com)
Quite a few people in nineteenth-century Europe practiced both secularism and religion. Others practiced secularism in lieu of religion. This is how nationalism became a secular religion, turning the state into a monster that caused the worst catastrophes of the twentieth century.
This work is bound to stimulate debate on nationalism in my country, Israel. The author raises questions about the myth that Israel protects the Jews around the world and constitutes their natural homeland. This book rightly shows that this myth is anti-Jewish.
Most Israelis mistake this myth for Zionism and argue that we can only reach independence once all the Diaspora Jews gather here. The Jews must therefore decide whether the interests of the State of Israel coincide or conflict with their own interests.
However this question is taboo in the context of today’s Zionist ideology. Moreover, this ideology deems anti-Semitism unavoidable and Israel the only place where a Jew can be safe. This view is essentially anti-democratic: it denies a priori any value of the emancipation of Jews in the modern world.
On the other hand, this myth gave birth to an ideology that expects the Jews to support Israel, often at the expense of the national interests of the countries in which they live.
Most Diaspora leaders have nothing better to offer than the rotten motto, “My country, right or wrong.”
Israeli governments behave as if they were community leaders still within the ghetto walls. They disregard the interests of Israel’s non-Jews, which contributes to the perpetual state of war, since a ghetto equipped with a strong army constitutes a grave danger.
This book shows why it is so important to get rid of this myth, which prevents many people, including many Israeli Jews, from acknowledging the authenticity of Judaic anti-Zionism, in particular, its loyalty to the Jewish tradition.
Recognizing the legitimacy of religious anti-Zionism is crucial for an honest debate about Israel and Zionism — which remains stifled since the Zionists, both Jewish and Christian, deny all legitimacy to anti-Zionism. It is all too evident that Torah-based opposition to Zionism needs to be well known; otherwise, the cult of the sacred cow of Zionism is reinforced.
This cult includes the concept of the centrality of Israel in Jewish life and the right of the Israeli government to speak on behalf of world Jewry. This cult also makes illegitimate any criticism of Israel on the part of Diaspora Jews, whatever the Israeli policy may be.
Currently, the Zionists declare that all opposition to Zionism is anti-Semitic, and this declaration has grievous consequences for Jews all over the world, including Jews of Israel. It is scandalous to deny legitimacy to criticism of official Israeli positions, and this book makes this point very clear.
It is intellectually important to think clearly, to distinguish between concepts. Its practical importance may be less evident. This is where this book becomes particularly useful. It mobilizes little known historical data in order to make distinctions between the following concepts: Zionism and Judaism; Israel as a state, as a country, as a territory and as the Holy Land; Jews (Israelis and others), Israelis (Jews and non-Jews), Zionists (Jews and Christians) and anti-Zionists (again Jews and Christians).
For example, when one calls Israel “the Jewish state” this creates a real and dangerous confusion between faith and nationality. One need not be religious in order to protest the exploitation by Israel of religious concepts. I am not religious and am not part of the current fad to fi nd fault with Zionism and its history. But as an Israeli patriot and a philosopher, I find it imperative to make Judaic anti-Zionism a part of the badly needed debate about Israel’s past, present and future.
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