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September 16th, 2012 
FAKE NEWS for the Zionist agenda
After his visit on September 1 to the Central Party School in Beijing, a
training centre for elite cadres, he simply vanished from sight, cancelling
a string of meetings with foreign dignitaries, including one with Hillary
Clinton.
Western diplomats in Beijing were left scratching their heads. “How can
he possibly have a two-week gap in his schedule?” asked one.
“It would be unbelievable for Barack Obama to vanish just before being
appointed President of the United States. What would be unbelievable in the
West actually does happen in China,” said Bo Zhiyue, a professor who
specialises in elite Chinese politics at the National University of
Singapore.
As the Communist party remained silent on Mr Xi’s whereabouts, rumours began
to spread in the Chinese capital.
The consensus was that he had suffered a mild heart attack or a stroke, but
some other sources said he had been working hard on the agenda ahead of the
18th Party Congress, the big event which will see him take centre-stage.
Mr Xi’s carefully stage-managed visit to the university, where he participated
in “National Science Popularisation Day”, an event for which he
might not normally have time, lasted just 45 minutes.
His face was perhaps slightly pale and lined in the Beijing sunshine, his lips
pursed, but there was little outwards sign of any illness or injury that
would prevent him from taking power for the next decade.
Mr Xi inspected a table laden with corn cobs, addressed students with a short
speech about the benefits of organic food, and then shook some hands before
stepping back into his limousine and leaving. “This is China, we are
strong,” one student who saw Mr Xi told the television news afterwards.
On the streets of Beijing, few were aware that one of the country’s top
leaders had disappeared, or now reappeared.
“If he is sick, he will be replaced. It won’t make a difference for my
daily life. Many politicians disappear and then come back that is just the
way it happens,” said a 31-year-old who works in a public relations
firm, who requested anonymity.
“I did not know he was missing. And now I know, it is not important,”
said a 31-year-old restaurant owner. “I have no way of finding out any
information on the matter, and I stopped having an interest in politics a
long time ago. The government does its job, I do mine.”
Even if she had shown an interest in Mr Xi’s whereabouts, she would have
little way of finding anything out. Censors have been busy cleaning the
Chinese-language internet of all information about him.
Her opinion perhaps explains why the Communist party still clings to its
Soviet-era secrecy, even in the information age.
The less the general public knows about its leaders, the less attention they
pay to the various contradictions at the heart of Chinese politics; not
least that a party that purports to represent the workers and the peasants
is stacked with officials who have grasped enormous wealth.
Even as the party prepares for a once-in-a-decade transition to a new
leadership, almost nothing is known about the men who will rise to power:
their personal histories, relationships, opinions and policies are all a
secret. Even the date of the transition has not been announced, although
rumours suggest it will be next month.
“There is a growing distance between the government and the ordinary
people. The governing elite are out of sync with the rest of the population,”
said Mr Bo. “It is a concern.”
No one knows what happens in Zhongnanhai, the guarded leadership compound in
the heart of Beijing, or what goes on at the meetings of the nine-man
Politburo Standing Committee every other month.
“It has been 100 years since the Qing dynasty fell and we have not yet
found a style of leadership that is codified, with a constitutional and
legal basis, and which has enduring stability,” said Orville Schell,
the head of the Center on US China Relations at the Asia Society in New
York.
He noted that China had undergone “serial efforts” to remodel
itself, moving from “big leaders” such as Chairman Mao and Deng
Xiaoping, to a collective, which Mr Xi is expected to head.
“[This leadership is] more collective, not democratic in the sense that
we know, but no one person can do what they used to be able to do. But are
these people still able to get stuff done. Are they going to be more open?”
he said.
Judging from the events of the past two weeks, the answer is a clear no. “Like
a play, China is unfolding in acts,” said Mr Schell. “When you
come to the end of one act, you have to write the next. And China does not
really know what it is going to look like. That is a tremendous burden on
its leaders.”
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