What now for Egypt?

The 1952 coup set the scene for a long history of a police state with muddy
politics, half-truths, paranoia, loose laws, and new generations of
Egyptians who have learned to judge politics through a monochromic lens
(good versus bad).

Last year’s revolution was supposed to bring an end to this poisonous era and
provide a fresh start with a healthier political setting. Sadly, the results
have been the opposite. The revolution led to the successful removal of the
tyrannical top layer, but it failed to heal the chronic problems that lay
underneath.

Many became obsessed with the recent past and have forgotten the old era; the
pro-Nasser revolutionaries and their candidate Sabbahi are furious with
Mubarak’s police state, forgetting that their beloved Nasser was the one who
laid its foundation, while the Salafi groups who despise Mubarak while
condoning the assassination of Sadat. In addition, none of the presidential
candidates has clearly articulated the way to prevent a future police state.
How would the “reformed” police force deal with blocked roads and staged
sit-ins? Would the police ban tear gas? How would they differentiate between
peaceful protesters and mobs?

Some Egyptians have begun to wonder whether they want change for the sake of
change or whether such change can lead to better conditions. They have
started to view the revolution as the crisis of the elite, with Tahrir as a
sideshow of disengaging revolutionaries united in the elements they despise,
not in what they share. The low turnout in Tahrir recently confirms these
views.

While I hope the legal questions about the Shafiq candidacy will be settled on
Thursday, let’s not forget that all presidential candidates indirectly
accepted him by agreeing to run in the first round. The turn against the
whole process following the result was a simple act of political
immaturity―the same immaturity that led the revolutionary to push for a
hasty trial of the ex-leader rather than leaving him under house arrest
until the end of the transition when he could be tried under new leadership
and after the collection of reliable evidence against him and his men.

Egypt was and still is in desperate need of reconciliation and consensus, but there is no reconciliation without truth, and there is no consensus without
compromise and political maturity. So far, these are rare commodities.
Tyranny is not a virus that exists in Egypt’s presidential palace; it is a
chronic process of corruption and greed that call for long – term treatment
with a lot of tenacity and patience.

Whatever the Constitutional court decision – however unsatisfactory it may be
– we must accepted it and move on. It would be far better for all parties
involved to draw a line behind past blunders, and focus on the future,
particularly the new constitution, one that should eradicates all elements
of authoritarianism and bring more measures of transparency and
accountability in order to prevent the new president from becoming another
Mubarak.

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