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June 16th, 2012 
FAKE NEWS for the Zionist agenda
What has not emerged is clear, incontrovertible evidence that Nixon explicitly
authorised or knew in advance about the break-in itself. A year earlier,
though, he repeatedly ordered staff to “break in” to Washington’s Brookings
Institute to steal a possibly incriminating file. The President can actually
be heard saying that what he wanted was “thievery”. Then, for the third
time: “I really meant it … crack that safe”. Months later, Nixon discussed
the best way to purloin documents from the National Archives. Weeks after
Watergate, he plotted a burglary of his own party headquarters – to make the
Democrats look as guilty as the Republicans.
Nixon pushed for dirt on his political enemies even after the Watergate
arrests. “Get everything you possibly can,” he demanded in autumn 1972. “Any
little crumb… I don’t care. O’Brien, another senator. Anything that involves
a Democrat… Goddamn it.” It was Nixon who set his White House team on their
criminal course.
In the past forty years, alternative histories have flourished – many of which
let the President himself off the hook. One theory suggested the CIA
orchestrated the burglary to cover up one of the Agency’s surveillance
operations. Another contended that a junior staffer ordered the burglary in
search of evidence linking his fiancée to the prostitution outfit close by –
so as to cover it up.
The far reaches of Watergate conspiracy theory include an allegation that a
famous journalist spun his reporting to avoid exposure of his own
involvement in the Washington “swingers” scene. The bizarre twists and turns
of the story include corrupt military brass, a bent police officer, a
homosexual informant, and the circulation of supposed lewd photographs of
the President himself.
As one of the President’s biographers, I spent five years probing the motive
behind Watergate. Most of the “facts” that supposedly supported the more
tawdry conspiracy theories evaporated on examination. The madam who ran the
prostitution operation near the Watergate, and who supposedly employed the
White House staffer’s fiancée, appeared not even to know the woman in
question. The homosexual informant kept embroidering his story. The
high-ranking Republican official supposedly implicated in the dissemination
of a “nude Nixon” photo, credibly denied the story.
Intensive research shows there was no single motive for Watergate. “We were
really after anything,” said Jeb Magruder, the campaign official who was the
burglars’ liaison at CREEP. “We were looking for everything,” one of the
burglars said. A skein of evidence indicates, though, that the President
himself had pushed for derogatory information on DNC chairman O’Brien, and –
as important – whatever O’Brien might have on Nixon. “We knew the Democrats
had a file of damaging rumours about Republican leaders,” burglar Frank
Sturgis later told a journalist. “We dug for that everywhere.”
“One of the things we were looking for,” Sturgis recalled, “was a thick secret
memorandum from the Castro government…” The elusive document, Sturgis
said, was thought to cover plans for a deal between Castro and the Democrats
that – were the Democrats to win the election – would normalise relations
between the U.S. and Cuba. It supposedly also contained details of the
various past U.S. attempts “to assassinate the Castro brothers”.
Three of the Watergate burglars were prominent anti-Castro exiles, and team
leader Hunt had during his CIA career been involved in the Eisenhower-era
plots to assassinate the Cuban leader, plots in which then Vice President
Nixon was implicated. The Senate Watergate Committee’s chief investigator
Terry Lenzner speculated that the Cuban angle was the key to Watergate.
There was, too, a matter that made both O’Brien and Nixon vulnerable – the
links they both had to Howard Hughes. O’Brien, who had worked for Hughes as
a consultant, knew Hughes’ aide Robert Maheu. Maheu in turn had been the
CIA’s go-between to the mafiosi used in the plots to kill Castro . He had,
moreover, been privy to details of illegal donations Hughes had made to
Nixon during his 1968 run for the presidency.
Time and again, in the months before Watergate, it had seemed that Hughes’
donations were about to be exposed. “As far as I know,” CREEP’s Jeb Magruder
said years later, “the primary purpose of the break-in was to deal with
information… about Howard Hughes and Larry O’Brien, and what that meant as
far as the cash that had supposedly been given to [Nixon’s friend] Bebe
Rebozo and spent later by the President…”
Then there is sex – the wild card in the pack of possible motives.
Though mostly neglected by researchers, there had been an earlier break-in at
the Watergate, weeks before the one that triggered the scandal. On May 28,
1972, the same burglary team had successfully photographed papers on
O’Brien’s desk and planted bugs on two telephones – one used by O’Brien’s
secretary, another by a party official. Over the weeks that followed, logs
of calls on the official’s phone had been passed up the chain of command at
Nixon campaign headquarters. The bug on the secretary’s phone had been
faulty, however – and that led to the fateful decision to go back to the
office to fix it.
It is clear now that there was a sexual element to the plot. From the start of
the Nixon presidency, one operative testified, there was a concentration on
getting information on the sex lives of their Democratic opponents. The man
who monitored the bugged Watergate calls, Alfred Baldwin, told prosecutors
his orders were to give that category of information special attention. Many
of the calls the bug on the official’s phone picked up, were “explicitly
intimate”.
Another CREEP operative, former FBI agent Lou Russell, said the hidden
microphone intercepted conversations in which two prominent Democratic
leaders “made dates with women over the phone… for sexual liaison
purposes”. O’Brien had been one of those prominent Democrats, Russell
claimed, and he identified a prostitute O’Brien allegedly frequented by
name. Russell had worked for Nixon personally, long before Watergate.
If the Democrats were vulnerable to sexual exposure, so were their Republican
counterparts. One long-time Nixon aide, interviewed by us on condition of
anonymity, recalled in detail that the deputy chief of the White House
protocol office “was always using those call-girls at the place next to the
DNC”.
In a rundown house in North Florida, I found Barbara Ralabate, the former
madam named by Russell – and identified in police records – as having
managed call-girls at the Columbia Plaza apartments near the Watergate. Her
professional credo, she said, did not allow her ever to divulge clients’
names. She confirmed, however, that in 1972 they included both Republicans
and Democrats. “There was a lot of business won at that place,” she said,
referring to the Democratic Party headquarters at the Watergate.
Ralabate told me, too, that she was visited by a senior Democratic official at
the height of the Watergate scandal. “He wanted to know what I was going to
say when I was questioned,” she recalled, “I said, ‘What I am going to say
is, I don’t know what anyone is talking about.’”
It was a denial, in the face of compelling evidence, worthy of President Nixon
himself.
Robbyn Swan is co-author with Anthony Summers of The Arrogance of Power:
The Secret World of Richard Nixon. Their latest book, The Eleventh Day, was
a finalist for this year’s Pulitzer Prize, and is shortlisted for the Golden
Dagger award for non-fiction on crime.
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