Her 17-day European trip was described in the media as a triumph, but for Suu
Kyi and her supporters its political dimension was equally important. In
addition to receiving the Nobel Peace Prize in Oslo and an honorary
doctorate at Oxford, Suu Kyi gave a historic address to a joint session of
the British Parliament and had one-on-one talks with both British Prime
Minister David Cameron and newly-elected French President François Hollande.
At every step she repeated her new mantra: yes to investments in Burma, but
only ones that are “democracy friendly” and “human rights friendly.” After
the reforms enacted by President Thein Sein, Burma is badly in need of an
economic lift, to persuade ordinary Burmese that their lives are changing
for the better. But at the same time, Suu Kyi is desperate to get the
message across that, if Burma is to evolve into a functioning democracy,
foreign companies must avoid further enriching the corrupt generals and
their business cronies who still control the country.
She is likely to bring the same message to the U.S. Suu Kyi bonded with
Hillary Clinton when the U.S. Secretary of State visited her in Rangoon last
December, but with the Obama administration’s decision this week to lift
bans on American investment in Burma, relations may become strained. In
particular, Suu Kyi had appealed to foreign businesses not to become
partners of the state-owned energy conglomerate Myanmar Oil and Gas
Enterprise until it adopted credible measures of transparency and
accountability. That has not yet happened, yet the lifting of restrictions
by the Obama administration means that there is nothing to stop American
companies to work with the unreformed firm.
For the first time, it appears that U.S. policy on Burma is becoming de-linked
from Aung San Suu Kyi; senior opposition voices including John McCain and
Joe Lieberman argue that Washington is moving too far and too fast in its
concessions to a Burmese government that is still firmly under the thumb of
the Army. In the process, they say, the U.S. risks losing whatever leverage
it still has to persuade Burma to make further, much-needed reforms. Suu Kyi
will likely smile graciously in the U.S. as she receives more accolades, but
the honeymoon may be over.
Back in Burma, meanwhile, the rehabilitation of her and her father Aung San,
the founder of the Burmese Army, continues. Yesterday, for the first time in
many years, state television broadcast the memorial ceremony for Aung San,
assassinated in 1947 before he could become the first prime minister of
independent Burma. Until now Suu Kyi’s great popularity had led the military
junta to do everything in its power to downplay her father’s importance.
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