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July 12th, 2021 
Awake Goy 
Today we commemorate the 37th death anniversary of legendary Comrade Devulapalli Venkatestwara Rao or DV. Arguably DV was the greatest Indian Communist leader ever. No Comrade on theoretical plane contributed as much to stitch the thread or pave the path of mass line, integrating Mao Tse Tung thought with the peculiarities of the Indian conditions. In the manner of a sculptor carving a monument he guided the Indian Communist movement to demarcate or distinguish from rightist path in the Telengana armed struggle period ,to extricate from the revisionism later of the C.PI and CPM ,and finally from the left adventurist path of Charu Mazumdar.
No Communist theoretician so profoundly or surgically devised an agrarian revolutionary path for India or prescribed such theoretically sound formulations as Comrade DV. In ‘History of Telengana People’s armed struggle’ DV penetrated mass line in agrarian revolutionary movement in magnitude unequalled by an Indian Marxist. Most classically DV summarised how Indian conditions were akin to that of China before 1949, but still were at variance in important respects. With the insight of a genius he portrayed the advantages and disadvantages in the Indian terrain in applying Chinese path. Most elaborately he also laid down guidelines for mass organisations, and most dialectically analyzed the nature of fascism in India. Even when the movement received a setback like a sinking ship, with tacit mastery he would steer the ship back afloat and ressurect the movement. I can’t forget the countless setbacks in the Telengana ,Srikakulam or Naxalbari period when the movement was on the verge of derailing and comrades like DV set it back on it’s track. Rarely did a comrade have more organizational flair like DV who blended the skill of a surgeon, with the creativity of a poet and the courage of a soldier. The basic documents written by DV Rao were arguably the best theoretical line formulated since that of the Chinese Evolution in 1949.Today with the revolutionary camp still so splintered and scattered I wish a leader like DV Rao could be ressurected particularly to give the guidelines or orientation to extinguish the flame of Neo-fascism which is flashing at a crescendo today in the country.
Of particular importance is the fact that DV was the pioneer of the programme of land distribution and of volunteer squads. He was the first to grasp that rural poor were thirsting for land as early as 1944 and initiated the programme for land distribution during the 1946 struggles in Nalgonda district. He raised the first volunteer squad from the peasantry of Devaruppala village of Nalgonda district which soon spread far and wide and became a movement. It was DV more than any comrade who prevented the Telengana agrarian armed struggle from derailing and enabling genuine base areas created in regions like Nalgonda.DV steered the people’s armed revolutionary path of the Chinese type in a magnitude unprecedented.
With classical leadership DV formulated the ‘Immediate Programmme’ and ‘Lay Foundation s for a Struggle Oriented Revolutionary Movement.’ in 1968. Those documents chalked out the mass revolutionary line of the Andhra Pradesh Coordination Commitee of Communist Revoutionaries and refuted the left adventurist path of the All India Coordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries .DV also formulated the content of the letter of criticism of the path of the AICCR. In 1972 He also wrote the Basic Documents in 1972.No Comrade so dialectically or surgically in his writings refuted left adventurist line of the Charu Mazumdar section in the Srikakulam movement. With great intellectual conviction or lucidity he asserted that the line of the Andhra Pradesh Committee proved to be correct in 1971.
Through the political guidance of Comrade DV cultural fronts like the Peoples Literary and Cultural Federation were formed as well as the Rytu Collie Sangham ,the Organisation for protection of Democratic Rights and the Democratic Students Organization.DV challenged the imposition of the Marxism-Leninism Mao Thought tag on the mass organizations and their being converted into fronts of Revolutionary groups. He also countered the let adventurism and later the right opportunism of the Chandra Pulla Reddy Group. DV’s practice and guidance was the precursor of the formation of the Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India in 1975.Displaying surgical skill DV knit the scattered elements into a cohesive force to form the party. With perfect symmetry DV integrated the party with the mass movements or mass organisations like a perfect synthesis of flesh and bones. On a qualitative plane the movement led by hi s organization overshadowed every other contemporary revolutionary group. The most noteworthy achievement was the practice of the Organization for Protection of Democratic Rights in the 1970’s, which till this day is an example of most correct practice in democratic rights movement. Both the conferences of the Democratic Students Organization in1974 and 1978 were qualitatively most impressive, emulating the work of the Punjab Students Union.DV’s development of the Olga line was responsible for defeating the left sectarian path of imposing Mao thought in a Cultural Front by Virasam in 1974
Although Tarimela Nagi Reddy was the political leader all his practice was on the basis of line formulated by Comrade DV.More than any Indian revolutionary I recommend comrades to read the political writings of Comrade DV which reveal dialectical mastery of unsurpassed magnitude. Comrades who later branched into the CPRCI (ML) like Anand and Harbhajan Sohi held DV in the highest esteem. Today Communists and revolutionary democrats can learn an invaluable lesson from DV in confronting tide of Neo-Fascism.
Rarely in history of World revolution did 2 comrades work so close to each other, .maintaining equal stature in leadership with such cordial relations or mutual respect for each other as DV Rao and Tarimela Nagi Reddy.It is distortion of history by the late UCCRI(ML) Muktigami group that the practice of DV was counterposed to that of Comrade Nagi Reddy.In it’s historical analysis it analysed DV’s role to be sectarian to other groups and eclectic on question of tactic sin elections.
Sadly in 1979, DV failed to detect or demarcate from the Chinese revisionist line of Deng Xiaoping and even in 1981 persisted with the Dengist path. Unfortunately it also led to a split within the Unity Centre of Communist revolutionaries of India inducted first by Harbhajan Sohi and then by Anand. To me it is a mystery how such a master of Leninism like DV could not gauge the revisionist path of the CCP .Marxist historians should research into what probed DV into supporting the revisionist Chinese path. The organizational splits led to great splintering in the mass movements, be it in students, peasants, workers, or civil liberties.DV expired in July 1984, still leading an underground life. The UCCRI (ML) which he led was vociferously critical of diversionary trends like that led by Viswam and Anand who in 1981 itself expelled DV from the party. To me the de-railing of DV from the revolutionary path turned the entire course of the Indian revolutionary movement around.
I greatly thank comrades of the ‘Proletarian line’ group which gave me such devoted attention in Hyderabad in 2016, going out of the way to educate or guide me. They gave me great insight into the essence of the mass agrarian revolutionary line of DV and how he had no differences with Nagi Reddy.I also spoke in the DV centenary memorial conference where I learnt how DV is still so revered, all over India. The Comrades explained me how even in the 1940’s and 50’s the practice of Kondapalli Seetharamiah was so different and counter posing DV’s line and ho win essence Chandra Pulla Reddy’ s line was left adventurist. Still I strongly rejected their view that Charu Mazumdar was not a Marxist. Most illustratively they explained me how Charu Mazumdar failed to link agrarian revolutionary practice to armed movements and ho warmed struggle and agrarian revolution was inseparable in revolution.
In his time no Communist leader displayed such theoretical mastery as Comrade DV through writings like ‘On Unity” and in formulating the correct methodology towards restabilising a Unified Leninist party. After Mao’s death in 1976 DV wrote the most outstanding appraisal on the contribution of the revered leader. Most illustratively it described how Chairman Mao gave Leninism a new life in the Chingkang mountains and by building revolutionary base areas.
Although very supportive of casteism to be uprooted at the very base DV thought that the political line of the Dalit Panther movement lacked a Marxist orientation or class angle. This is debatable .
I recommend every cadre to without fail study DV’s writings ‘Refutation of wrong trends Withdrawing Armed Struggle’, ‘Marxism Leninism and Armed Struggle’, ‘On Unity’ , ‘On Internal emergency’, ‘ Telengana armed Struggle and armed path of Indian Revolution,’ “On Unity,’ ‘Our Basic Documents,’ ‘Left trend among Indian Revolutionaries,’ ‘Agrarian Revolution and Our tasks’,’ Fundamental line and Question of Unity’, ‘Left Deviation within the Party’, and ‘People’s Democratic Revolution in India.’ In my view no Indian Communist leader penetrates mass line in such magnitude as Comrade DV. They are classics in their own right. I would also suggest getting old copies of journal ‘Proletarian Path’ which DV was the editor of.
It is fascinating that DV had strong conviction that the revolutionary party should have its legal open organ like ‘Pravda’.In his view there should be an Secret and open Organ. In his time ‘Spark’ was the legal organ of Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India. In my view this has relevance today with groups today who on grounds of maintaining party secrecy refuse to have an open organ like the CPRCI (ML).Inspite of over 25 years of existence the Communist Party Re-Organisation Centre of India (Marxist Leninist) never published a legal organ and never put the editor’s name and address in journal ‘The Comrade.’Late Harbhajan Sohi reversed the trend advocated of DV of publishing an open organ.
Somehow I do not agree with DV portraying Charu Mazumdar as a terrorist and not a genuine Marxist, whatever his major errors. I would love cadres of the Maoist movement or sympathisers to make DV’s analysis the yardstick for assessing aspect of massline prevailing.
I must say that to a certain extent after globalisation or collapse of USSR there is a certain variance in the Indian and World situation .With such mechanisation Chinese path prescribed by DV may have to be improvised, particularly respecting changes in urban areas and infiltration of imperialism in agriculture. The same DV living in today’s day and age may well have not written the basic Documents in exactly the same fashion, but incorporated the flux of production methods and population in urban areas and impact of mechanisation.
PARTY LIFE OF DV
Com. DV held leading positions in the party. He was the Secretary of the Nalgonda district Communist Committee to start with and continued in this capacity even later in the united CPI. He represented the Nalgonda. District in the State Committee. He was taken into the Secretariat of the State Committee in March 1948.
Later he continued either as a member of the National Council or the Central Committee till he left the CPM in June 1968. He served as a Member of Parliament (Lok Sabha) representing the Nalgonda double-member Constituency winning by a massive majority. In the 1969 convention of Andhra Communist Revolutionaries he was elected as the Secretary of Andhra Pradesh Revolutionary Communist Committee. He continued in this responsibility till April 1975 when he, along with Comrade T. Nagi Reddy, formed the UCCRI (ML). He was elected as the General Secretary of the CC of the UCCRI (ML) at the Unity Conference held for this purpose. He continued in this responsibility till he breathed his last.
Com. DV’s work as a Communist revolutionary spans nearly five decades. It is interesting to note that the first criminal case foisted against Com. DV was in connection with his role in the land struggle of the lambada peasantry of Mundrai village. It was the then Nizam Government which foisted this case. In fact it is the first tribute by the autocratic regime to the revolutionary who became the father of the theory and practice of agrarian revolution in the country. A considerable part of his revolutionary work was occupied by underground activities against the various autocratic governments. During the Telangana armed struggle he led nearly 7 years of underground life (1946-1952). After 1968 he led nearly 10 years of underground life (1969, 1975-1984). He was arrested under the Defence of India Rules in 1962 (November ’62 to July ’63) for opposing Government of India’s war of aggression against China, and in 1965 (December ’64 to May ’66) during India’s War against Pakistan. In 1969 he was arrested along with late Com. Tarimela Nagi Reddy and others and kept in detention from December ’69 to May ’72.
A conspiracy case was foisted against them. This is known as the Hyderabad Conspiracy Case. The Conspiracy case was based on the Immediate Programme drafted by Com. DV. He was then released in May’72 along with Com. TN and others on conditional bail which they jumped in June’75 to resume underground activities when Internal Emergency was proclaimed in the country by Mrs. Indira Gandhi’s regime. Com. DV along with Com. TN and some others were sentenced to 4 years rigorous imprisonment in the Hyderabad Conspiracy case.
However Com. DV was leading an underground life all these years due to which the Government could not carry out the sentence. Thus Com DV spent nearly 17 years in underground activities and about 5 years in various jails in his life and work as a communist revolutionary. These facts are apparent examples which go to show his indomitable revolutionary spirit and the depth of his revolutionary convictions and practice.
It is generally well-known that Com. DV was a gifted and prolific writer. All his writings are inseparably connected with the problems of the revolutionary movement and were in fact necessitated by the burning problems facing the revolutionary movement.
Through the political guidance of Comrade DV cultural fronts like the Peoples Literary and Cultural Federation were formed as well as the Rytu Collie Sangham ,the Organisation for protection of Democratic Rights and the Democratic Students Organization.DV challenged the imposition of the Marxism-Leninism Mao Thought tag on the mass organizations and their being converted into fronts of Revolutionary groups. He also countered the let adventurism and later the right opportunism of the Chandra Pulla Reddy Group.DV ‘s practice and guidance was the precursor of the formation of the Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India in 1975.Displaying surgical skill DV knit the scattered elements into a cohesive force to form the party. With perfect symmetry DV integrated the party with the mass movements or mass organisations like a perfect synthesis of flesh and bones. On a qualitative plane the movement led by hi s organization overshadowed every other contemporary revolutionary group. The most noteworthy achievement was the practice of the Organization for Protection of Democratic Rights in the 1970’s, which till this day is an example of most correct practice in democratic rights movement. Both the conferences of the Democratic Students Organization in1974 and 1978 were qualitatively most impressive, emulating the work of the Punjab Students Union.DV’s development of the Olga line was responsible for defeating the left sectarian path of imposing Mao thought in a Cultural Front by Virasam in 1974
EXCERPTS OF SOME IMPORTANT DOCUMENTS OF COMRADE DV ‘ON INTERNAL EMERGENCY’
A very important work written by Comrade DV was ‘On Internal Emergency. It is one of the most incisive writing son the nature of Indian fascism .This work has great significance in light of ascendancy of proto-fascism in India in the last decade, penetrating every core of society. He narrates how India is in essence a Pseudo Democracy and how fascism had reached an advanced stage with the proclamation of emergency.DV summed up how the Comprador -landlord dominated democracy is showing the ugly face of fascism in a more naked form. In vivid detail he described how fascism was germinating in India, contrasting it with the classical fascism in Europe earlier. Most illustratively he exposed the Indian constitution and the variance in the nature of the Indian ruling classes. Very analytically he projected how contradictions between the ruling classes could be exploited, between the Soviet comprador and US comprador sections. In part on end of Pseudo Democracy DV exposed how 1947 independence was a mere transfer of power. and how the plight of the common people was deteriorating day by day. He exposed how the parliament was more a dead body than a rubber stamp.DV described the emergency as the naked dictatorship of the Congress headed by Indira Gandhi and backed by the Soviet Union. He also described the grave crisis the ruling classes had plunged themselves into.DV narrated the experience and significance of the Telengana, Srikakulam and Naxalbari struggles as well a s the Railway strike of 1974 and the brutal repression unleashed upon the people. In the ‘Present Situation and out tasks he touched upon aspect of third world war, Difference between opressor and opressed nation, Difference between fascism in an Imperialist country and a semi-colonial country, Aspect of Antagonistic Collaboration, Collusion and contention between various shades of imperialists and semi-independence or full independence. A very important theme illustrated was how fascism erupted in China and its similarity with the Indian situation. Most dialectically he contrasted the form of fascism germinating in a capitalist country to a third world or semi-feudal one. DV touched upon how even the CCP adjusted or formulated tactics in accordance to prevailing situation .He explained how Germany embraced fascism due to weakness of the working class and the bourgeoisie. DV quoted Stalin’s writings on how preparation for war was direct outcome of fascism, which took shape in the form of the 2nd world war.DV was equally critical of Soviet sponsored and American sponsored fascism, and opposed differentiating them. Still he highlighted their distinctive features or character, in light of factors like the RSS and the revisionist left parties.
‘The Political resolution is on One year of Emergency’ –Tasks before the Organisation is of great importance. It highlighted
1. The poverty and oppression of the people remained the same level as the emergency. The real reasons of the emergency were for intensification of contradictions among the ruling classes disintegration of the ruling party an administration, inflation etc.
2. People never agreed to be passive spectators to the development inspite of the reformist leadership of the organisations. Working class must now into militant ad sustained struggles, challenging the armed might of the state, now that formal rights have been snatched for waging struggles.
3. Repression was extended to all opposition forces including genuine democrats and liberal forces. People were greeted with bullets instead of bread. The elections are of a virtual farce. A new or amended constitution will be more dictatorial than the previous one. It will be a continuation of the present fascism, in a more rigorous form.
4. Import of foreign finance capital is on the increase. Foreign compradors are patronised, who are minting profits. Public sector Units are geared towards defence and consumer need s of the Soviet Union and the seeds are being sown to create a defence-oriented economy.
5. Landlordism is appearing in anew for, with landlordism being reformed. Surplus land has not been declared of any degree or distribution of any value. The percentage of land owned by landlords is the same as before. Landlord domination is resurrecting in new forms, with a section of the rich peasantry elevated to the landlord class.
6. Superpowers are contending for hegemony in many parts of the world which is reflected in the emergency. Soviet Union openly supported the emergency. On the other had European countries are paving the path to penetrate into Indian markets.
7. Foreign policy in India remains unchanged –subservient to the Soviet Union. It even recognises Angola, and refuses to supply spares to Egypt. Coup in Bangladesh has also turned the co-relation of forces unfavourable to India.
8. Mere appointment of an ambassador to undo the wrong done to Chin a,is misleading. Even countries like China and Russia are hostile to each other,inspite of having mutual ambassadors.
9. Inspite of the intensifying contradictions among super powers and their counterparts or compradors in India, the principal contradiction lies between the landlordism and mass of the people. Distinguishing features of modern day fascism are
a. Outcome of intensified Contradiction among the ruling classes, backed by respective superpowers. It is not only directed against revolutionary forces, but also again genuine democratic forces, and pro-American forces outside the party. Fascism in classical form eliminates all opposition. Curbing the opposition is different from eliminating the opposition. Present situation in India does not coincide with that.
b. Subjective factor is lacking for victory of fascism. Classical fascism has emerged when
c. Superpowers are beset by internal contradictions. and weaknesess.Classical fascism was imperialism which crystallised as fascism Inspite of massive military and economic strength ,imperialism could not withstand the might of Socialism
10.Inter-Imperilait contradictions are as prevalent as ever. The split and contradiction sin the Indian ruling classes have provided an opportunity to unite with more democratic elements represented by national and petite bourgeoisie.
11.. In view of the above our programme entails the following tactics.
i.Mobilise democratic forces in agrarian revolutionary and anti-imperialist programmes. or in civil liberties protests.
ii .Unite all possible revolutionaries into a united front.
iii. Internal consolidation in applying fundamental line to present situation. A consolidated, unified organisation must be built.
iv. Tighten security mechanism to protect our organisation.
v. Exposure of govt’s deceptive slogans, CPI’s activities, CPM’s double faced policies let opportunist phrase mongering etc.
vi. Consolidate mass contacts on day to day issues, not similar to basic demands. Necessary mass organisations of a non –party nature have to be built to facilitate this.
vii. Politicise the vast masses of non –political people who are under the influence of reactionary forces.
12. Countering wrong tendencies.
a. Emergency is not the outcome of compromise between 2 superpowers, and infact the contrary.
b. Substituting a Broad democratic Front to Democratic Front ,with dilution f our programme and tactical line is wrong.
c. To characterise revisionist, neo-revisionist, socialist ’Left –adventurist parties and groups as belonging to the working class is wrong.
d. There is nothing like antagonistic collaboration, which confuses the ranks. Collaboration assumes no antagonism because of identity of interests.
e. I t is sheer diversion to to raise aspects for discussion now on the Draft programme, path and Constitution which will be conducted under the guidance of the CC.
f. Revolutionary situation must not be under-estimated or over-estimated. The urgent task is to build a party capable of utilising the present situation to build mass revolutionary movement and a united front, deploying necessary forms of struggle.
g. Application of our fundamental line as massline.Politics must never be de-linked from the organisation. Struggle for democratic centralism is inseparably linked with the struggle for correct application of our fundamental line.
Excerpts from ‘MARTYRDOM OF KOMARAYYA
To pave the path for a radical programme a mass democratic front was imperative. No radical agenda was allowed by the authorities like abolition of jagirdari sytems, Tenancy, forced labour etc.Formation of peasant organisation was not permitted.
The party undertook mass work within the Andhra Mahasabha, a liberal dominated and non –functioning organisation. Once the Communists took up the day to day work, through the Mahasabha it had transformed itself into a functioning organisation at all level sin no time. Of course it was limited to places where they had worked. A good section of nationalist elements worked with them, along with their understanding and limitations.
A specific feature of the Andhra Mahasabha was that it could not be equated with a peasant organisation. It was a cultural organisation carrying on cultural activities. Though it did not have a definite political aim, it used to adopt political resolutions in it’s annual conferences, demanding constitutional and administrative reforms. The demands or urban population were reflected.
The nature of the demands was such that liberals could not oppose the communists.
Excerpts from ‘LEFT DEVIATION WITHIN THE PARTY’
In ‘Left Deviation Within the Party’ DV left no stone unturned in exposing the left adventursism of Chandra Pulla Reddy in Khammam.It addressed issues like ‘Reasons f or the failure of mass movement to reach stage of armed struggle’,’ Armed Struggle ‘ referring to how preparation was not launched, ‘Agrarian Revolution and the Armed Struggle’, Fundamental difference between the self-defence of cadres and self defence of people ,’Mobilisation of the Masses’,’Menthen aaction ‘ , ‘Other Forms of Struggle, ‘It made subtle contrast of comrades in Khammam adopting CP Reddy line and practice in Telegana struggle. It compared the integration of armed squad actions with mass movements or land distribution. It was critical of the individual squad actions executing landlords which in it;s view cause irreparable harm to the movement. The document illustrated how this practice was similar to that of the Charu Mazumdar line. In its view Khammam comrades it is wrong to link armed struggle with agrarian revolution. ‘By rejecting the inter-relation between the revolutionary programme of land distribution the Khammam comrades are rejecting the experiences of the Telengana armed struggle.”
These were DV’s criticisms
1. Armed actions launched before people’s preparation for struggles, with people absent.
2. Struggles have been confined to economism, failing to create political consciousness among the masses.
3. The people, instead of achieving gains through their own anti-govt. and anti-feudal struggles, are achieving them through actions of squads. This substitutes people’s enthusiasm, and dilutes political consciousness.
4. Through armed squad actions people have been made to rely on squad actions or glorify them and lose faith or enthusiasm in building their own struggles.
5. Without confining to certain areas and consolidating work, comrades have been roaming from area to area Agrarian revolutionary has failed to develop because of this.The Basic Documents written by DV in 1972 will find a permanent place in a Marxist Leninist treasure house. No writer could have as dialectically illustrated why the Chinese path could still work in India. With great articulation and methodology he defends the line of protracted peoples war, making a dialectical connection between the peasantry and working class and rural with urban work. Most analytically contrasts the positive and negative factors in undertaking Chinese path of Peoples War in India. I must state that in his original work DV referred to the war the Vietnam and Soviet Social Imperialism. Today after 1991 the world situation has changed. but armed struggles are being waged in Phillipines,Turkey and India and earlier Peru. It is also pertinent that in DV’s time China was a Socialist country, with no Socialist state existing today. I would also loved DV to have given his comments in era of globalisation, but sadly he passed away in 1984.
Excerpts from ‘BASIC DOCUMENTS ‘
The great Telangana armed struggle in particular, provided the most authentic practical evidence of the feasibility of establishing parallel people’s political power in the Indian countryside by dint of the peasant-based and communist-led guerrilla armed struggle
Thus the existing socio-economic and political conditions and the past experience of revolutionary struggles of the Indian people both point out that the Path of Indian revolution is essentially, the Path of Protracted People’s War, as theoretically propounded by Comrade Mao Tsetung. Not only the Chinese revolution could succeed following the Path of Protracted People’s War as propounded by Mao but also the national democratic revolutions in Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia could advance to success in the past by following this Path.
‘Advantages and disadvantages the Indian revolution has, relative to the earlier revolutions, pertain to the time-period. We are preparing to unleash protracted people’s war in India at an advanced stage of the present era, the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution. Irrespective of the zig-zags involving the loss of proletarian State-power in the erstwhile socialist countries, the present historical phase of world development denotes an objectively advanced level of the decline of imperialism and of the unfolding of world proletarian revolution.’
‘That reality finds major expression in imperialism’s loss of all moral-ideological legitimacy and the world people’s enhanced awareness of and resistance to the imperialist oppression, bullying, aggression and war. As that reality finds expression in the revolutionary consciousness of the Indian people and raises its level further, it constitutes a major asset for developing People’s Democratic revolutionary movement of India. On the other hand, the Indian revolution could not avail of fully or adequately the existence of strong and prestigious socialist countries in the past, and now, the lack of that favourable factor constitutes a serious isadvantage. Another advantageous dimension of the present historical situation of the Indian revolution accrues from its access to the rich revolutionary experience and theoretical contributions of the past proletarian revolutions’ the Chinese revolution in particular.’
‘Further, there are certain disadvantages and advantages the Indian revolution has relative to the other contemporary revolutions. Again, primarily these pertain to the time-period, at the national level. The Indian ruling classeswere given a breathing space after the ‘transfer of power’, thanks to thebetrayal of the Indian revolution by the revisionists.
The ruling classes were given enough time to replenish their forces, disrupt the revolutionary movement and corrupt a section of vocal population by the so-called parliamentary or “Panchayati Raj” system (as a part of creating a network of middlemen and imposed dependence of the people on them). The unusual national/ethnic, religious and social diversity of India and the resultant divisions in the Indian society, especially the social divisions owing to the pernicious caste-system, had been a perennial feature responsible for complicating the process of revolutionary transformation of Indian society. The ruling classes were given enough time to manipulate and aggravate such divisions to the detriment of the revolutionary unity and class struggles of the Indian people. Lastly, one should not underestimate the fact that the ruling classes are armed to the teeth while the revolutionary forces have to proceed from elementary levels on both the planes – political-organisational as well as military. These are some of the disadvantages resulting from a delayed revolution inIndia. Revolutionaries should take note of them in working out their tactics.’
‘The set of disadvantages due to the delayed revolution, however, has its opposite aspect too which, although of a secondary nature at present, suggests all the same that, under suitable conditions, the aspect of disadvantages would give way to the aspect of advantages. After decades of plunder and misrule the ruling classes’ economy and politics stand bankrupt before the Indian people, who are thoroughly disgusted with the existing state of affairs and vaguely yearn for a revolutionary alternative to the present system.’
‘Given the correct lead, they will be ready to proceed fast along the Path of People’s War to change the present system. Not only the geographical vastness and demographic plenty happen to be great natural assets for conducting guerrilla warfare in India, even the national/ethnic, social and religious diversity may ultimately militate against the reactionary Indian State.’
‘Some argue that in China, there was not much of transport and Communication system, wheras India has one well knit and spread all over the country. This disadvantage may delay setting up liberated base areas. However in India armed struggle in the form of guerrilla warfare has to go on for a long time to come, so that it may spread to other parts of the country .There vast areas especially of Girijan s which are untouched by transport and Communications sytem.Even if they have one, it is meagre and ineffective. These people can be organised and prepared for armed struggles .Topography and lack of Communication system will give added advantage for armed struggle.’
‘There are advantages that we are starting armed struggle in an epoch when world imperialism has reached it’s last stage of existence. Level of our people’s revolutionary consciousness is growing fast under the impact of international situation and growing revolutionary situation.’
Harsh Thakor is a freelance journalist. Toured India, particularly Punjab .Written on Mass movements ,,Massline,Maoism on blogs like Democracy and Class Struggle and frontierweekly .An avid cricket lover too who has posted writings on blogs like Pakpassion Indian Cricket Fans and Sulekha.com.
[email protected]
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