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July 30th, 2012 
FAKE NEWS for the Zionist agenda
Nikolai MALISHEVSKI
Strategic-Culture.org
30.07.2012
The pivotal event in modern history took place in Vatican City three decades ago, on June 7, 1982, when US president R. Reagan – notably, the son of an Irishman who was a devout Roman Catholic – met with Pope John Paul II, born in Poland as Karol Józef Wojtyła. The conversation which took slightly under an hour revolved around Poland and the Soviet domination of East Europe. At the bottom line, the US President and the Pope reached an agreement “to undertake a clandestine campaign to hasten the dissolution of the communist empire”. “This was one of the great secret alliances of all time”, says Reagan’s first National Security Adviser Richard Allen.
To confirm allegiance to the alliance, the next day President Reagan announced a “crusade” against “the evil empire” in a programmatic speech which he delivered in London. His next symbolic step was to designate 1983 as the Year of the Bible during the annual National Prayer Breakfast. Evidently in response, John Paul II soon hosted 200 members of the Trilateral Commission – nearly the entire top parapolitical group – in Vatican. Overall, the crusade thus launched was conceived as a remake of the 1147 anti-Slavic one blessed by Pope Eugene III.
Poland became the country central to the intrigue. Reagan and Pope John Paul II shared the view that, by massively backing the Solidarity movement which was outlawed in Poland at the time, the US and Vatican would in concert be able to bring down the Polish government and to tear the country out of the Soviet bloc. An extensive network was built in Poland to prop up Solidarity, and resources from the CIA, the National Endowment for Democracy, and the Vatican’s secret funds started flowing into the hands of the Polish opposition. On the US side, key roles in the campaign were taken by CIA director W. Casey and former Supreme Allied Commander Europe A. Haig. Both were known to be the Knights of Malta, plus the brother of the latter was a high-ranking Jesuit.
In fact, a strategic deal between the US and the Vatican’s intelligence agencies was cut by their chiefs W. Casey and Luigi Poggi weeks before R. Reagan, who largely owed his victory in the presidential race to the Roman Catholic part of the constituency, was sworn in. Starting late in 1980, contacts over Poland were maintained by Z. Brzeziński and Vatican’s propaganda department head Cardibnal Jozef Tomko. The latter used to chair Sodalitium Pianum, the Vatican counter-espionage service, until John Paul II bracketed both agencies within one and appointed Luigi Poggi as its chief.
The Roman Catholic church and Western trade unions, American and European, supplied “grassroots leader” Lech Wałęsa and other solidarity activists with strategic guidance in line with the plans shared by Vatican and R. Reagan’s Administration. Wałęsa, a leader emerging from complete obscurity at the time, actually had a record of just several months of employment as an electrician at the Gdansk shipyard, but that proved enough to create for him a profile of workers’ representative from their own ranks. Earlier, Wałęsa and his relatives held no jobs (a punishable offense in the Soviet era) and survived thanks to the material support from the Roman Catholic church. Vatican’s intelligence chief personally oversaw Wałęsa’s work with the assistance of Polish Jesuit priest Kazimierz Przydatek.
Przydatek’s mission was to assemble a group of Polish priests capable of blending into promising opposition movements, with particular attention being given to Solidarity. On a daily basis, the priests-turned-agents compiled reports based on discussions with Polish workers and with their priesthood peers. Father Henryk Jankowski, provost of St. Bridget’s church which Wałęsa attended, was among the best-informed. Przydatek convinced Wałęsa to bring Tadeusz Mazowiecki, editor-in-chief of the Roman Catholic Wiez leaflet, and Bronisław Geremek, a historian, to the Solidarity leadership. With their advent, if Western researchers can be trusted on that, Solidarity was placed under full control of the Roman Catholic church.
In addition to the reports sent by Roman Catholic priests and trade union leaders, Washington and Vatican received valuable information from the fifth column within the Polish government and defense ministry. For example, W. Jaruzelski’s aide Col. R. Kukliński had been a CIA informant for 11 years.
Rep. Henry John Hyde, a member of the House Select Committee on Intelligence, later wrote: “In Poland we did all of the things that are done in countries where you want to destabilize a communist government and strengthen resistance to that. We provided the supplies and technical assistance in terms of clandestine newspapers, broadcasting, propaganda, money, organizational help and advice. And working outward from Poland, the same kind of resistance was organized in the other communist countries of Europe”. According to an inquiry published by Carl Bernstein in The Times (“The Holy Alliance”), “The American embassy in Warsaw became the pivotal CIA station in the communist world and, by all accounts, the most effective. Casey stepped into the vacuum in the first days after the declaration of martial law in Poland and — as he did in Central America — became the principal policy architect. Meanwhile Pipes and the NSC staff began drafting proposals for sanctions”. R. Pipes, a Polish-American academic who, at a certain phase of his career, contributed analysts to the CIA, explained that “The object was to drain the Soviets and to lay blame for martial law at their doorstep …
The sanctions were coordinated with Special Operations (the CIA division in charge of covert task forces), and the first objective was to keep Solidarity alive by supplying money, communications and equipment”.
When the crisis erupted in Poland, R. Reagan immediately ordered to make all pertinent intelligence reports continuously available to John Paul II. Bernstein writes that “The major decisions on funneling aid to Solidarity and responding to the Polish and Soviet governments were made by Reagan, Casey and Clark, in consultation with John Paul II… Meanwhile, in Washington a close relationship developed between Casey, Clark and Archbishop Laghi”.
“Almost everything having to do with Poland was handled outside of normal State Department channels and would go through Casey and Clark”, says Robert McFarlane, who served as a deputy to both Clark and Haig and later as National Security Adviser to the President – “I knew that they were meeting with Pio Laghi, and that Pio Laghi had been to see the President”. As Laghi elaborates, “My role was primarily to facilitate meetings between Walters and the Holy Father. The Holy Father knew his people. It was a very complex situation — how to insist on human rights, on religious freedom, and keep Solidarity alive without provoking the communist authorities further. But I told Vernon, ‘Listen to the Holy Father. We have 2,000 years’ experience at this”.
Details of the “experience” deserve a closer look in the context. The origin of the very term “propaganda” which stands for a combination of informational, and, occasionally, other efforts aimed at expanding influence and authority can be traced back to the Roman Catholic church. It was first used on January 6, 1622 when the Vatican instituted the first “ministry of truth” in history – a department tasked with widening the ideological influence of the Roman Catholic church. The title of the department which took to collecting intelligence data across Europe featured for the first time ever the term “propaganda”.
US Secretary of State A. Haig must have had serious reasons to say that “The Vatican’s information was absolutely better and quicker than ours in every respect”. Wojciech Adamiecki, the organizer and editor of underground Solidarity newspapers, told: “The church was of primary assistance. It was half open, half secret. Open as far as humanitarian aid — food, money, medicine, doctors’ consultations held in churches, for instance — and secret as far as supporting political activities: distributing printing machines of all kinds, giving us a place for underground meetings, organizing special demonstrations”. The CIA, by the way, repaid favors to the Vatican by passing to it surveys of intercepted phone conversations in which Latin American bishops and priests criticized the continent’s pro-US cardinals.
“Our information about Poland was very well founded because the bishops were in continual contact with the Holy See and Solidarnosc,” stresses Cardinal Silvestrini, the Vatican’s deputy secretary of state in the epoch. Bernstein paints the picture as follows: “Inside Poland, a network of priests carried messages back and forth between the churches where many of Solidarity’s leaders were in hiding. The key Administration players were all devout Roman Catholics — CIA chief William Casey, Allen, Clark, Haig, Walters and William Wilson, Reagan’s first ambassador to the Vatican”.
The fact that the above revelations are surfacing these days does not mean that the clandestine operations which ultimately resulted in what Russian president V. Putin described as “the worst geopolitical catastrophe of the XX century” – the collapse of the USSR – are a matter of the past. The crusade is rolling on, but that is a separate theme.
Source: http://www.strategic-culture.org
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